Is there a way to protect the rights of the victims and to get the culture of fear and violence out of Colombia?

After the demobilization of the paramilitaries, the peace treaty and consequent disarmament of the FARC guerrillas was facilitated by the United Nations in 2016. This was probably the most important result of the peace treaty. Former guerrilla fighters were supported with monthly grants and training programs, and their identities were legitimized with new identity cards—this represented the first step toward reintegration. However, the incorporation of the peace treaty into national legislation proved difficult due to regional conditions. As the system of majority representation in Congress delayed adaptation considerably, only six of thirteen legislative initiatives and 64 decrees were issued by 2018. The new laws made it possible for former combatants to receive amnesty, provided they did not violate human rights. This is an important and interesting norm, as Jernej Letnar Černič in his chapter "Corporate accountability concerning socio-economic rights in Colombia" notes. Černič argues that the norm is a starting point for the consideration and protection of human rights and access to justice for victims. However, there are still many problems with the implementation of further laws, in particular concerning looted lands. For example, although the courts have become largely independent, there are still practical and structural barriers. As Černič points out, there is a lack of trust in the executive branch, because it was also involved in crimes and murders. In addition, organized crime has connections to politics and can continue to operate in the rainforest, sometimes undetected. That is why, as Černič writes, there is still a long way to go to effectively protect the rights of the victims and to get the culture of fear and violence out of Colombia. In fact, Caritas International has observed an increase in violence in many regions since the signing of the peace treaty. The citizens continue to suffer from the country's structural weaknesses and are plagued by fear from rival regional groups. Those who work for human rights on the ground are probably also particularly affected—at least 295 activists have been killed since 2016. The state lacks sufficient capacity to bring order to rural areas and it is not present in many regions. Support must be given to the rural population, which has been disproportionately hit by decades of conflict and suffers from inequality in the country. Distrust of the guerrillas remains strong. Accordingly, structural development is essential for sustainable peace, which must be achieve swiftly prevent a resurgence of the conflict. Especially in view of the supporting role Columbia plays in helping refugees from Venezuela. This challenge is an enormous burden for peace and structures in Colombia.